By: Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, Ph.D.
Akaveh1@aol.com
Respected Spiritual Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Khamenei:
As an Iranian political scientist concerned about Iran's
national security in the present moment of crisis engulfing our
neighbors, I write this letter to express my fundamental
disagreement with Your Excellency's latest order banning any
dialogue and discussion with the United States. My reasons are
as follows:
(a) Iran and the United States are both participants in the UN
sub-group known as "six plus two." Already, precedence has
been set for direct dialogue by the Group's previous meeting
attended by Iran's Foreign Minister and the U.S. Secretary of State
under the President Clinton Administration, Madeleine Albright;
(b) According to confirmed reports, U.S. and Iranian officials have
repeatedly met in Geneva to discuss the crisis in Afghanistan;
(c) Recently, Iran's Ambassador to the UN visited Washington
and met several members of U.S. Congress.
Notwithstanding the above, it is clear that U.S.-Iran dialogue
has already occurred at several levels, not to mention the
decade-long judicial dialogue at the Hague Tribunal dealing with
claims against Iran, and therefore it is futile to claim that there
has been no such dialogue ever in existence.
(d) The question, then, is whether or not dialogue and
negotiation between the two countries threatens Iran's national
interests as Your Excellency has just stated? Respectfully, I
would have to take an opposite view and disagree on a
principled basis. Dialogue, particularly diplomatic dialogue, is a
staple of global diplomacy in the world today, and the entry into
dialogue by Iran with any power, be it the United States or any
other government, does not imply any conclusion, or worse
concession, by any means, other than Iran's willingness to use
the game of diplomacy to further its own interests. Any refusal to
accept this fundamental fact is tantamount to closing one's eyes
to the world's reality around us and succumbing to the blind
impulses of passions and sentiments instead of rational
calculation of Iran's national interests.
(e) Since this is the UN's Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations,
launched by Iran's President, it is all the more important to keep
the channels of dialogue open rather than clogged up with
unreasonable slogans.
(f) The need for direct dialogue with the United States is
particularly important right now because of the crisis in
Afghanistan and the deep impact on the region's geopolitics.
Several of Iran's neighbors and trade partners -- Pakistan,
Turkey, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and
Russia -- have openly supported the U.S. campaign to root out the Arab
terrorists in Afghanistan and even China has consented to this.
As Iran too has condemned the terrorist attacks on America and
Your Excellency has called for "holy war" against terrorism, it
follows logically that we enter into dialogue with any one fighting
this war. not to do so would harm Iran's international image and
create the impression that Iran is not really serious about its
declared war on terrorism. Your Excellency cannot unilaterally
declare null and void the conclusion arrived at by numerous
members of the Islamic Assembly and leading foreign policy
experts within and outside Iran, that the crisis calls for direct talk
with the United States, in part to discuss the post-Taliban
scenario.
(g) Should Your Excellency reconsider your position, as you
must given the threats to Iran's security interests, including the
threat of Iran's isolation and marginalization in the region in the
aftermath of this crisis, in that case Iran's consent to dialogue
with the U.S. would not at all implicate Iran in any compromise of
its stated positions, such as opposition to the U.S.-led
bombardments. Several Muslim states who are members of the
Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), such as Indonesia,
have condemned the attacks on Afghanistan without breaking
diplomatic ties to the United States. Only a distorted
interpretation of dialogue, as a one way monologue benefiting
the bigger power, can sustain the present oppositions to
U.S.-Iran dialogue, for such a dialogue should occur on a
dialogic basis and reflect the positions of both sides. After all,
dialogue is only a means to an end, namely, a method of
communication serving the parties' interest to better understand
each other and, hopefully, overcome their differences.
(h) In the light of the upcoming meetings at the United Nations, I
strongly urge Your Excellency to reconsider your position as it is
antithetical to Iran's interests and will bar the continuation of the
"Six Plus Two" multilateral dialogue which could bring Iran's and
U.S.'s foreign secretaries together, as well as Afghanistan's
other neighbors, in search for a regional solution to the present
crisis.
In conclusion, I remind Your Excellency that Iran's national
interests are always better served by recourse to the soft power
of diplomacy and non-violent negotiation than by resort to
alternative means.
Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, Ph.D.
October 30, 2001