By Elahé Sharifpour-Hicks
Three years ago, when President Mohammad Khatami addressed the United
Nations, many believed that this forward-looking reformist leader would
restore Iran's fractured relationships with the rest of the world and
usher in a new era of understanding between the Muslim world and the
West. Instead, he spoke in platitudes, calling Islam a religion of
peace, reminding listeners of Iran's great humanistic civilization and
avoiding any acknowledgment that Iran had fallen far short of these high
ideals in its recent history.
Since then, relations have only gotten worse. The expected "dialogue of
civilizations" collapsed in the rubble of the World Trade Center, and
not long afterward President Bush declared Iran part of the "axis of
evil."
Alarmed by the polarization between the West and the Muslim world, the
judges of the Nobel Peace Prize chose Shirin Ebadi, an Iranian human
rights lawyer, as this year's Nobel peace laureate because she
represents what it called a "reformed Islam" that sees Islam and human
rights in harmony.
The symbolic power of this choice cannot be denied. The struggles for
human rights of courageous men and women in Muslim societies throughout
the Middle East and Asia are worthy of recognition, and the fact that
Ebadi is from Iran, where the radical force of modern political Islam
first came to international attention during the 1979 revolution, only
adds to its impact.
As a woman, Ebadi embodies a further important message: She is a symbol
of liberation and hope to the oppressed, faceless half of so many Muslim
societies in which the rights of women are systematically circumscribed.
Weighted with all this expectation, it is perhaps not surprising that
Ebadi's Nobel lecture was an anticlimax, but it was also another missed
opportunity for those who long for the shadow of repression to be lifted
from Iran. The lecture read as if it could have been delivered by an
Iranian government official. While paying lip service to the values of
human rights, she cited as examples of violations the detainees held by
the United States in Guantanamo Bay and the plight of the Palestinians.
Listeners had no way of knowing that Ebadi was speaking as a
representative of a human rights movement in a nation where tens of
thousands were executed after grossly unfair political trials two
decades ago, where arbitrary detention is commonplace and religious
persecution is institutionalized.
Where were the references to the student demonstrators who disappeared
in July 1999 and this summer? Why was there no reference to the
imprisoned 70-year-old husband of her lifelong colleague, Mehrangiz Kar?
Why no reference to Iranian Jews jailed for their religious beliefs or
to the case of two Bahais sentenced in 1989, initially to death, and
imprisoned since for practicing their faith?
Instead of a critique or an explanation of Iran's human rights
calamities, the lecture was a recitation of Iranian and Muslim human
rights achievements, with some politically correct America- and
Israel-bashing presumably thrown in for the benefit of the European
audience . Without denying the value of Iran's cultural heritage, one
would have hoped for some frank acknowledgment that something has gone
very wrong in Iran, and in many other parts of the Muslim world, in
recent decades.
It misses the point to proclaim, as Ebadi and the Nobel judges did, that
Islam is compatible with human rights. Of course it is, if Muslims
choose to make it so. The problem is that the government of Iran
cynically exploits Islam to legitimize its authoritarian rule and to
discredit those who dare to challenge it.
By emphasizing text-based arguments for Islam's compatibility with human
rights, human rights advocates play into the hands of the conservative
clerical leadership in Iran.
It is beyond question that certain legally sanctioned practices of the
Iranian government, which it justifies by reference to Islamic law, are
violations of international human rights law. Take, for example, the
denial of the right to child custody for divorced Iranian women. Or the
arbitrary detention of a prominent dissident, journalist Akbar Ganji,
who is accused of "insulting Islam" for exposing the involvement of
government leaders in political assassination plots.
If human rights and democracy are to flourish in Iran and the Muslim
world, as Ebadi expressed the hope that they would, then Iranian reform
leaders, be they presidents or human rights lawyers, must show greater
candor when they are on the global stage and, indeed, wherever they go.
Merely repeating that Islam and human rights are not contradictory does
not bring about progress. At worst, it provides another opportunity for
Iran's leaders to evade accountability for their violations of human
rights by agreeing in theory while continuing to violate rights in
practice.
About the author:
Elahé Sharifpour-Hicks worked as the Iran researcher for Human Rights
Watch from January 1994 to June 2003. The views here are her own.
Related Article:
The Nobel Peace Prize 2003 - Shirin Ebadi, Iran