The Iranian economy, a new start or a continuation?
By Thierry COVILLE in Paris
by Simone KOSHIMIZU and Victoria BRYAN
(October 23, 2005)
The election of Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad as President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in June has led to
numerous concerns within the private sector in Iran, as well as within the
economic sectors working, or planning to work, with Iran. The question facing
the new government when it comes to economic policy is can Ahmadinejad’s Iran
strike a balance between economic liberalisation and ‘populist’ measures?
The former mayor of Tehran based his
presidential campaign on social justice and the fight against poverty,
unemployment, corruption and the Mafia-style organisations within the oil
sector. Such aims have provoked fears that the process of gradually opening up
the Iranian economy, a policy that has been in place since 2000, will be halted.
Furthermore, the fact that the new President subscribes to what can be
described as the Iranian extreme right, added to his desire to re-establish the
ideas of the Islamic Revolution could presage increasing isolation on the
international stage, thereby damaging economic liberalisation in Iran. These
fears have resulted in an outflow of Iranian capital to Dubai and in falls on
the Tehran Stock Exchange since the election.
Between populism and
Faced with this situation, what will the government do?
Within the political families surrounding Ahmadinejad, there are obviously
groups prepared to carry out populist policies, which will favour social justice
over the laws of economics, if necessary. We must also remember that the Iranian
Hezbollah was originally influenced by the ideas of Shariati, who was one of the
major ideologists of the Shah opposition. Shariati proposed a version of Islam
that was Marxist and Third-World.
In addition to this, the current
authorities are enjoying a favourable political and financial situation and can
always use reserves from the Oil Stabilisation Fund to finance social measures.
Such moves would, however, contravene the regulations on the Fund. But who today
is going to protest against the conservatives, who control all the institutions?
Finally, some MP’s who are close to the President
ideologically-speaking, such as Ahmad Tavakoli, believe that the government
should take measures to reduce the banks’ interest rates. He also wants
contracts with foreign investors in the oil, petrochemical and
telecommunications sector to be reviewed.
However, we can see that the
people within the government who hold positions in the economic sector, such as
Danesh Jafari, the new Minister for the Economy, are not revolutionaries, but
experts who are in favour of continuing with the policy of economic
liberalisation. It is important to realise that the Iranian conservatives do not
make up a homogenous political party. Moreover, before the presidential
elections, Hashemi-Rafsanjani, the losing candidate, had gained the support of
nearly 180 MPs (out of a total of 290) and he was in favour of maintaining the
policy of economic liberalisation.
Similarly, the upper echelons of the
Iranian technocracy, who have run the country since the Revolution and who
managed to convince the majority of those heading the regime of the need to
modernise the economy, are also doing all they can to prevent this economic
policy from ‘derailing’.
Many experts have also taken action since the
election of the new President, by highlighting the dangers of maintaining
subsidies and, in more general terms, of following lax budgetary policies that
could lead to an increase in inflation and therefore worsen social tensions.
Foreign investments are needed
In addition, we must not
overreact to the reluctance raised in Iran in relation to foreign investments.
Firstly, it represented, in certain cases, a legitimate issue – especially in
such a nationalistic country! – on the impact of such and such a joint venture
project on the Iranian economy. In other cases, the problem originated from the
foreign investor’s choice of an Iranian partner. After all, we must not forget
that all measures taken to open the Iranian economy in the past few years were
based on a consensus in which all minorities expressed themselves. This means
that the Iranian far right and the Guide accepted this economic opening.
Therefore, they will not refuse it today. The system is pragmatic and it is
aware that its industries cannot be modernised without foreign
The first weeks of the new government reflect this
continuity. Rumour has it that members of the “Rafsanjani” network – especially
his children – were forced to quit the management positions they held in the
public sector. But this is a normal practice in Iran. Each time there is a new
leader of the country, those close to the former government leave public
organisations and the new leader’s network settles in. And these changes in the
organisational chart do not mean in any way that corruption will disappear, as
certain conservative networks have proved it.
Secondly, according to
Iranian authorities, the project on the creation of a second mobile telephone
network in partnership with Turkcell, a Turkish company, was abandoned.
Nonetheless, this fact does not necessarily mean a refusal of foreign investment
since negotiations with South African company MTN have been settled for the same
project. Finally, the comments concerning possible economic and oil sanctions
(embargo) in relation to European countries (France, Germany, United Kingdom)
who wish for Iran’s nuclear project to be presented to the UN’s Security Council
also led to fears of an excessive economic politicisation. Nevertheless, even
though the nuclear issue has not yet been settled, it is but with difficulty
that we see the pragmatic Iranian authorities becoming involved in economic
policies of ruptures with the European countries.
However, the main issue
of the present government is most essentially to remain true to their campaign
promises. Thus, the cost of subsidies for public finances becomes more and more
unbearable. This fact has forced the Parliament to present a draft law that aims
to cut down on the amount of subsidised petrol that motorists can consume. If
approved, many voters would consider this law as a betrayal to the campaign
pledges. Similarly, the pursuit of privatisation policies and the opening to
foreign investments, which began during the former government, could cause a
rise in the unemployment rates.
The present government risks being
trapped in its pre-electoral speech and the need to reform the structures of the
Iranian economy. In this context, the economic policies to be pursued in the
next few months will possibly be a mix of liberal economic policies and populist
measures financed by oil revenues. The government’s capacity not to disappoint
its electorate and to regain the private sectors’ confidence will depend on the
balance between these two types of policies.
... Payvand News - 10/26/05 ... --