By Golbarg Bashi, Columbia
University,
New York, USA
As
reported by the BBC and
other major news organisations, Iranian women’s peaceful sit-in on June
12th 2006, was immediately broken up by the police in Tehran. Female police
officers beat women’s rights campaigners with clubs and used pepper gas sprays
to disperse their peaceful assembly.

Police beating women deomonstrators
photo
by Arash Ashoorinia, Kosoof.com
This
gathering occurred on the anniversary of a similar protest last year in front of
Tehran University, when a group of Iranian women and men came together
peacefully demanding a change in the rules and regulations specifically targeted
against the civil and human rights of women in the Islamic Republic. This
coalition of individuals, associations and NGOs that had attempted to put their
“grievances and demands through civil disobedience” had formed “the largest
independent women’s coalition to appear since the fall of the Shah”[i].
The
sit-in on 12th June 2006 had been widely advertised online and was a
peaceful plea to the Iranian government to change its unequal gender laws. The
principle demands were as follows:
•
Abolition of polygamy
•
The right of divorce by women
•
Joint custody of children for mothers and fathers
•
Equal rights in family law
•
Increasing the minimum legal age for girls to 18 (currently it is
15)
•
Equal rights for women as witnesses in courts of law
As
evident in the range of issues raised and demands specifically made, this
gathering was targeting some of the specific juridical mandates definitive to
Shi’i scholastic jurisprudence and constitutional to the Islamic state, some of
which in fact dating back to the Pahlavi regime (e.g. women’s citizenship
limitations and men’s prerogatives to polygamy).
The
protest this year was initiated by a coalition of women’s rights activists.
Approximately 2000 people inside
Iran and hundreds of
individuals and human rights organisations (including Amnesty International and
the Nobel Women’s Initiative) outside Iran, had signed the petition on
behalf of this peaceful protest.
The
informal coalition of various women’s rights activists in Iran have now
asked for national and international support for their peaceful and rightful
demands and the release
of all the arrested activists.
According
to some official reports (Ministry of Justice) 70 people (42 women and 28 men)
have been arrested so far (June 13th 2006), while several women’s
rights activists have been summoned to appear in front of the Revolutionary Court and others have been
sent to the notorious Evin Prison in Tehran.

photo by Arash Ashoorinia, Kosoof.com
In
the manner of its effective mobilisation and the language of its civil rights
demands, the Iranian women’s rights movement seems to have now entered a new,
more daring and organically rooted, phase.
The Iranian women’s
movement is formed by individual women and organisations, all revolved around the pursuit of equal legal rights,
having
an active literary, press, online and academic presence inside Iran and striving
for women’s ever-more social and public presence. According to the latest
statistics, Iran currently
has more than 63% female university graduates, but only 11% are part of the
public workforce, while it has elected more women to its Islamic parliament than
have Americans in the United
States.
Such
leading civil rights and literary figures as the Nobel Peace Laureate Shirin
Ebadi and the pre-eminent Iranian poet Simin Behbahani have actively and openly
supported and/or participated in this renewed phase in Iranian women’s struggle
for freedom and equality.
It
is imperative at this juncture to recognise the increased momentum that the
grassroot, vocal and multifaceted feminism has now assumed inside
Iran. While during the Pahlavis,
there was a court-affiliated feminist project claiming to represent the cause of
women at large, today, and particularly since the reformist movement of the
1990s, we witness a democratic and widespread women’s rights movement, evident
and operative in a succession of landmark events, but to the limited degree
possible and permissible within the draconian mandates of a theocracy.
The predicament of the Iranian
women’s rights movement, however, is that it is still very much urban,
middle-class, Persian-speaking, ideologically fragmented and above all heavily
censored by the officials of the Islamic Republic. This movement consistently
faces the solid barrier of operating within a gender apartheid system and
therefore its advancements are very limited and painstakingly slow. Women of a
wide range of classes and ideological dispositions were integral to the massive
revolutionary mobilisation that toppled the Pahlavi regime in 1979, and yet a
significant middle class component of it became the immediate victim of the
success of the Islamic Republic that succeeded it. Today, Iranian women’s
movement is fragmented along class, ideological, nominally religious-secular,
and internal and expatriate lines. The reformist movement did in fact allow for
a somewhat freer participation of women in the political process, but the very
same movement paradoxically exacerbated these fragmentations, for significant
components of the movement inside and outside the country refused to join rank
with it, while the reformist agenda itself lacked any feminist agenda. The expansive crescendo of small-scale
but nevertheless persistent peaceful demonstrations we have witnessed in
Iran over the last two years point to
the gradual rise of a women’s rights movement that is in fact beyond the
successes and failures of the reform movement and seeks its emerging agenda in a
larger, cross section of the society at large.
Opposing
this movement at this particular juncture are not just its internal
inconsistencies and the constitutional limitations of the theocracy but also
global circumstances surrounding the Islamic Republic. The government of
President Ahmadinejad appears far more intolerant of such grassroot movements,
which might indeed snowball to question the very constitutional foundation of
the Islamic Republic, than the reformist government of President Mohammad
Khatami was. The brutality and immediacy with which this year’s peaceful
gathering was ruthlessly crushed speak of the increasing anxiety of the Islamic
Republic about its prolonged legitimacy.
The
concern of the Islamic Republic and its intolerance of the slightest
manifestation of peaceful protest take place at a time that because of its
nuclear ambitions, it is under increased international scrutiny and faces a
possible UN sanction and/or a US-led military
attack.