By Golbarg Bashi
On Sunday March
4th 2007, more than thirty two women's rights activists were
arrested
after they had peacefully gathered in front of the Islamic Revolutionary Court
in Tehran to protest the trial of five of their
fellow activists. The five were being tried for "organizing a protest last June
against [unequal gender] laws…[and for] endangering national security,
propaganda against the state and taking part in an illegal gathering."[1]
According to various news agencies, this "gathering was to protest the recent
state pressures on women's rights defenders".[2]
According
to Iran-e Emrooz and other sources,
"the organizers of the two major current campaigns, "Stop Stoning Forever," and
"One Million Signatures to Change the Discriminatory Law," have been among the
women rights defenders [arrested] by the National Security Police." The New
York-based Human Rights Watch has
highlighted these arrests and demanded that the Islamic Republic "end its
prosecution of…women's rights advocates for exercising their right to freedom of
peaceful assembly"[3].
Furthermore, Iranian bloggers have been active in their quick and extensive
coverage of events inside Iran[4]—thus,
generating tremendous international attention to these violations.
As
it is known to most observes and citizens of Iran, the Islamic Republic is a
horrendous gender apartheid state, one where within family law in particular
women are treated as second rate beings, are discriminated against culturally,
and in the repressive political atmosphere, both feminists as well as civil
rights activists are continuously censored, arrested, harassed and even
murdered. The Islamic Republic is responsible for the torture and killing of
tens of thousands of dissidents since it came to power in 1979 through the
militant repression of all other political movements that have an equal claim on
the Iranian polity (nationalists, socialists and feminists). This particular
persecution, harassment, and incarceration of women's rights activists is yet
another indication of the violent criminalisation of dissent within the state
apparatus of the Islamic Republic. But at the same time it is a clear indication
that what we are witnessing in Iran is a grass-roots movement of
unprecedented dimensions.
Women's rights activists have since
the presidency of the ultra-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in June 2005 come
under increasing attack, while their activism has flourished even further, and
taken on ever-more bolder manifestations.
In recent years, coalitions
of individual women activists, associations and NGOs have effectively mobilised
themselves in public and online, demanding their constitutional civil rights and
an end to legal discrimination in the Islamic Republic. As such the Iranian
women's movement has entered a "new, more daring and organically rooted,
phase"[5].
As witnessed by activists
as well as scholars in and outside Iran, the Iranian women's movement
has never been as socially multifaceted, ideologically diverse and politically
bold as it is today. While during the Pahlavi era, women's rights activists were
ushered either under the state-controlled imperial women's organisations (and
their achievements claimed by Ashraf Pahlavi's WOI or else appropriated in
Mahnaz Afkhami's monarchist historiography),[6]
or else evident in the guerrilla-based and male dominated oppositional groups,
today's women activists and ordinary citizens have united under some basic but
clear demands vis-à-vis the Islamic Republic. They have called for an immediate
"end to discriminatory laws against women", have set up highly active networks
and web sites with hundreds of new essays on various topics dealing with
feminist concerns, children's rights and democracy, have gathered peacefully in
public, staged acts of civil disobedience, and thus gained much global
attention[7].
Iranian women are also at the forefront of literacy,
educational, artistic, journalistic, and legal advancements unmatched in the
entire Western Asia.

June 12, 2005
Women from various backgrounds
assemble in
front of Tehran
University
to demand equal laws in the Iranian
Constitution
This however is not to
paint an overly rosy picture of women's activism in Iran. Inside
Iran, women's
activism is also caught in all kinds of non-constructive dead-ends—reformists
vs. conservatives, seculars vs. religious, etc. Moreover, Iranian women
activists are mainly concentrated in the capital and are middle class and
Persian-speaking. As such, they are not part of the global feminist debate,
which could be very helpful to the growth of an Iranian anti-racist, anti-war
transnational feminism[8].
Be that as it may, over the last few years, we are beginning to see major
improvements in coalition building and mobilisation against the atrocities of
the Islamic Republic.
As even more courageous women's
rights activists are, again, arbitrarily arrested in the Islamic Republic, and
new and more hopeful signs of coalition building become evident, one may rightly
wonder what precisely is the role of women's rights activists outside
Iran in these historic moments. Here, apart from the work of a handful
of feminist scholars who are doing some groundbreaking work in the quiet corners
of their scholarship and a few globally-minded activists, alas, the scene is one
of astounding hypocrisy and opportunism. A band of self-appointed secular (as
they dub themselves) fundamentalist "lumpen-activists" has now developed the
habit of shedding crocodile tears every time women activists inside Iran are
arrested. These secular fundamentalist "activists" who are ordinarily busy
vilifying and raging against "Islam" and "Muslims" shoulder to shoulder with
such racist frauds as Hirsi Ali[9]
are again in full gear, stealing the noble cause of women's rights activism
inside Iran. As perhaps best represented in
the work and speeches of a certain Chahla Chafiq (a principal collaborator with
a fraudulent and racist opportunist like Hirsi Ali, chiefly responsible for
creating a wide-range of hatred in Europe against Muslims), this barefaced
hypocrisy usually moves into full gear as soon as the international spotlight is
on the legitimate and acute situation of activists who have been hard at work
for decades inside the Iranian theocracy. From
the safe distance of their bastion in Frankfurt, Toronto, Paris, Stockholm,
London, or Los Angeles, and lucratively provided for by the widespread
anti-Muslim and racist sentiments in Western Europe and North America, these
lumpen-activists have not for once shown any remorse nor even
contemplated their ignoble, parasitical and inorganic role in the humiliation of
millions of Muslims, noble women activists inside Iran, and for mudding a
multifaceted and emancipatory discourse into "you're either with us, or against
us".
This gang of lumpen-hecklers is
known and feared for their constant
harassments at meetings and conferences, their sabotaging of democratic events,
their
scandalising and bullying of veiled women, and their intimidation of Iranian
women scholars and activists who have attended European and North American
conferences. This is all when they are not busy siding with racist policies
towards Muslims in Western Europe (to ban veiling in public spaces, for example,
or denigrating Muslim communities into subhuman entities and calling "Islam" the
"greatest threat to humanity"), or else publicly insulting women's rights
activists like Shirin Ebadi or Mehrangiz Kar, distinguished scholars such as the
late Parvin Paidar and scores of women's rights activists inside Iran.

Maryam Hosseinkhah
Long-time women's rights activist and journalist (visibly wearing the
full chador) currently arrested together with over 32 other activists. If she were to appear in an IWSF
conference in Western Europe or North America,
she would be subject to terrorising intimidation by the selfsame secular
fundamentalists who are now shedding crocodile tears over her arrest.
These very same Iranian women who
are now arrested in Iran, and
over whose arrest these lumpen secular fundamentalists are now shedding
crocodile tears, would be the subject of terrorising ridicule and shameless
insult if they dared to come to Western Europe or North
America to present a paper or report of their activities. The lumpen
fundamentalists, the functional equivalents of the Hezbollahis inside
Iran, pretend to admire these
Iranian activists inside Iran only when they get arrested,
incarcerated, and silenced. But the second they dare to come out and participate
in an international conference (and thus expose the utter uselessness of the
secular fundamentalists) they become the targets of the vilest and most vicious
attacks for the singular sin of living and working inside the Islamic
Republic. I have been personally a
witness to repeated insults in IWSF (Iranian Women's Studies Foundation's)
annual gatherings against as prominent Iranian women as Mehrangiz Kar and as
dedicated and courageous women as Shadi Sadr who are working against all odds
inside Iran and occasionally come out to conferences to present a paper or
report of their activities. Rarely in history of women's rights activism has an
expatriate community been so utterly useless and in fact terrorising and
counterproductive in the fate of a people they pretend to represent.
Judging
from the names and backgrounds of those courageous Iranian women arrested in
Iran (those whose lives are now in
danger in the dungeons of a criminal theocracy) they come from a broad range of
ideological persuasions and classes—and yet they are all united in their call on
the Islamic Republic to end legal discrimination against women. While inside Iran, a vicious theocracy is squeezing
progressive intellectuals and activists, outside Iran a
whitewashed Iranian "feminism" has degenerated into a racist, reactionary and
utterly useless fixation with anti-Muslim fanaticism. In Europe and North America,
lumpen-activists keep celebrating an unexamined "secularism" as if once we
obtain "secularism" all will automatically be well, as if all women of all
classes and colours in the U.S. or France have achieved
equality, peace and equanimity. This insular, useless, parochial, illiterate,
and ghettoised "feminism" has plenty in common with the neo-conservative
ideology now wreaking havoc around the globe. They use the same racist imagery
that only the most rightwing and bigoted newspapers in Europe would display to prove the "backwardness" of
Muslims. Then when you'd think this "activism" couldn't get any viler, they shed
crocodile tears over the fate of arrested veiled women in Iran. They take
advantage of being older, more artificially experienced, louder in their vulgar
disposition, and even of the simple fact that they have a more streetwise
command of Persian to intimidate, frighten, and denigrate the younger generation
of feminists and activists, whom they condescendingly dismiss as "nasl-e
dovvomi-ha." In IWSF gatherings, I have been personally witness to outrageous
intimidation tactics of this squad of secular fundamentalists ganging up against
any single voice of dissent that disagrees with them. A band of half-literate,
barely educated, and intellectually ghettoized ideologues, more often than not
with a pitiful command over the language and culture of their host countries,
repeatedly and systematically humiliate and denigrate a younger generation that
attends these conferences for intellectual engagement and feminist solidarity.
And then this banality has the audacity to issue one nauseating fatwa after
another about the fate of women's rights movement inside Iran or Muslim
women's predicaments world-wide, about which they know next to nothing and
against its leadership they harbour nothing but hatred, jealousy and anger.[10]
On the adjacent side of
this barefaced hypocrisy of lumpen-activists we have the overtly right-wing
Iranian women memoirists[11]
in the U.S. who as an Iranian web site
unwittingly announces, "are hot these
days!" In the post-9/11 era and in the U.S. in particular, "Iranian women"
who classify as "modern, secular, unapologetic, extremely intelligent, media
savvy…[are] getting much deserved media attention". To be qualified for the
honorary degree of "extremely intelligent" and thus secure "media attention" one
must be "secular" and look exactly like the white women who thus bestows these
epithets on Iranian expatriate bourgeoisie. Thus millions of working class, rural or
religious women in Iran can
automatically go to hell—they'd be too backward for the U.S. or even
Western European media to be allowed to represent
themselves.
Inside
Iran, a grass roots and heroic
activism is now in grave danger. In
addition to their own groundbreaking efforts, the women's rights activists in
Iran need our moral support and
critical affinity with their glorious uprising against theocracy and systemic
prejudice written into the very letter of Islamic law. The opposite side of that
Islamic law is not a bland notion of "modernity" and "Eurocentrism". A blind
celebration of an unexamined "modernity" is to me the "sealing their approval of
global injustice and racism towards 1.5 billion people"[12]
and the poor, the hungry, the working-class and the racialised, marginalised,
and disenfranchised people living right in the heart of the Western metropolis.
Empty rhetorical slogans or tear-jerking stories about the terrible and
misogynist Islamic culture, or alternatively the wondrous freedoms of the
"Western world", does not amount to joining the struggle of Iranian women for
their civil and human rights. The
choice isn't between a self-promoting racist like Hirsi Ali and a petite-tyrant
like Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The future is much brighter than these two identical
twin bats can see.

June 12, 2005
Women's rights activist confronts
the Police in Tehran
[5] See my 2006 essay:
"A
Historic Landmark: Women's Rights Gathering in Tehran on June 12th". In OpenDemocracy
(June
14th, 2006).
[6] For a wonderful and
comprehensive study of the Iranian women's movement during the Pahlavi era see,
Mana Kia, "Negotiating
Women's Rights: Activism, Class, and Modernization in Pahlavi
Iran". In Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa
and the Middle East. Volume 25, Number 1,
2005, pp. 227-244.
[7] For an analysis of
Iranian women's movement in recent years, see, Mahsa
Shekarloo, "Iranian Women Take On the Constitution". Middle East Report
Online (July 21st, 2005).
[8] For a pathbreaking
theory of transnational anti-racist, anti-imperial and anti-war feminism, see
the works of the American scholar Zillah
Eisenstein. Eisenstein's
2004 book Against Empire: Feminisms,
Racism and 'the' West (Zed Press) is one of the most cogent feminist
critiques of the U.S. Empire and the trapping of cultural relativism in
defending women's rights.
[9] Hirsi
Ali is a Somalian-born anti-Muslim propagandist who rose to fame after 9/11 when
she collaborated with Theo van Gough on the anti-Muslim film called
"Submission", as a form of critique about Islam and its uniform treatment of
Muslim women. While widely accused of plagiarising the work of the prominent
Iranian artist Shirin Neshat in her "Submission", Hirsi Ali proceeded to call on
the Dutch government to perform mandatory gynecological examination on all women
and girls from Muslim backgrounds (while female genital mutilation is
predominantly an African and not a Muslim practice—in fact it is banned under
Islamic law in the majority of Muslim countries). She also claimed she is
"speaking truth to power" (the power being the disenfranchised and already
racialised Muslim communities). Hirsi Ali was granted Dutch citizenship and as a
member of the right-wing VVD Party, she was elected to the parliament in
Holland based on
a lie—the typical rescue from the harem fantasy. She applied for asylum in
Holland claiming that she was escaping from the war-torn Somalia and her life was
in danger because her parents were threatening to kill her unless she married
the man they had had chosen for her. It turned out that her comfortable upper
middle class family left Somalia when she was a young child and she grew up in
Kenya and went to private school and
broke an engagement she willingly entered and everyone accepted when it
broke off. She just wanted the credentials of having just run away from a harem
and a fast track toward citizenship. When all this came out last year she
resigned from the parliament and left Holland. Now she has found her safe-haven in
the United States, has
written yet another best-seller anti-Muslim memoir while heavily promoted by the
neo-con PR establishment and employed by one of the vilest pro-war
U.S. think-tanks The American
Enterprise Institute. For a critique of Hirsi Ali's writing, see: Laila Lalami's
The Missionary Position. The
Nation (June 19,
2006 issue). I am grateful to my
friend and colleague Mana Kia for sharing with me her research on
Hirsi
Ali.
[10] I have already
dealt with this subject in some detail in a number of essays back in 2005,
including, my "Crisis
in Iranian Women's Studies", in Gooya,
and "Ideological Tyranny in Iranian Women's Studies" in Payvand
News.
[11] For a critique of
the recent Memoir industry see, Negar
Mottahedeh's "Off the Grid: Reading Iranian Memoirs in Our Time of Total War".
Middle East Report
Online (September 2004), Hamid Dabashi's "Native Informers
and the Making of the New American Empire". Al-Ahram
Weekly (June 1st 2006) and his interview with
Foad Khoshmood, "Lolita and Beyond". In Znet (August
4th, 2006), and a joint essay I wrote with fellow feminist scholars,
Niki
Akhavan, Mana Kia and Sima Shakhsari titled,
"A
Genre in the Service of Empire: An Iranian Feminist Critique of Diasporic
Memoirs". In Znet
(February 2nd, 2007).