By
Yasaman Baji , Tehran (Source: Mianeh)
A recent
demonstration in Tehran that went further than before in targeting the Iranian
Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has shown a new level of bravery from
protesters ready to stand up to the security forces.
What Iran
calls the National Day of Campaign against Global Arrogance on November 4 - the
anniversary of the occupation of the United States embassy in Tehran in 1979 -
was marked this year by a demonstration against the regime which crossed a new
and significant boundary.

Students protesting at
Amirkabir University in Tehran on December 7
Protesters tore down and destroyed a poster of Khamenei, and chanted slogans
against him and the institution he represents. Students from Tehran University
and other protesters stood their ground in the face of attempts by security
forces armed with batons and tear gas to disperse them.
Some
stood and argued with members of the security force about their readiness to use
weapons, showing some at least have lost their fear.
Many of
the demonstrators were supporters of defeated presidential candidates Mir-Hossein
Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, who believe that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad stole
the June presidential election in a widespread campaign of cheating.
Many died
or were arrested in widespread demonstrations after the election, which were
suppressed by the security forces.
Although
the slogan "death to the dictator" had begun to be heard shortly after the
elections and was often implicitly directed at Khamenei, people generally did
not directly insult the supreme leader.
The
exception was a few who ended their nightly chants of "allah-u akbar" (God is
greater) by calling out "death to Khamenei" from the rooftops under cover of
darkness.
Protesters had refrained from such insults during public protests in order to
allow the regime space to discuss the discontent with the protest movement.
However, three factors worked against Khamenei and produced a more aggressive
reaction from the people and some criticism from members of the elite.
Khamenei
is seen as lacking the charisma of the founder of the Islamic Republic,
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini; he has backed Ahmadinejad; and he is perceived as
having a harsh and threatening manner of speaking.
A week
before the latest protests, a student chosen by his peers at Sharif Technical
University had bravely voiced his discontent in front of Khamenei and 1,000
other spectators, to the cheers of some. However, what happened on November 4
went beyond criticism; it was a fundamental breach of the law that until now
would have been treated as a major crime.
In the
incident that many saw as crossing a line, a young protester holding a huge
placard of Khamenei jumped onto a ledge in Vali-asr Square, publicly tore the
picture up and threw it to the ground where it was trampled.
That same
day, Tehran University students, who had been locked in their university in
order to allow the official commemoration of the hostage crisis in front of the
American embassy to proceed smoothly, hung from university gates and chanted
"Death to the Supreme Leadership" and "Rape, murder = death to this
guardianship", challenging Khamenei and the institution of supreme leadership.
Khamenei's position of supreme leader embodies the principle of velayat e-faqih
or the guardianship of Islamic jurisprudence, which is increasingly being
questioned.
According
to a law student at Tehran University who was involved in this protest, "These
chants are the result of the irresponsibility of the supreme leader in
fulfilling his duties. The duty of someone with great power is not to constantly
threaten people and issue suppressive measures. Now people want to eliminate
principles that allow individuals such irresponsibility."
A
university professor said, "If protesters had been treated correctly from the
beginning and if Khamenei had used a better tone in speaking to protesters who
had initially insisted on respecting the sanctity of the state's pre-eminent
official, events would not have turned out the way they did.
"The
resistance of the regime to protesters and its reliance on suppression itself
led to an increase in popular demands. Now, returning to the way things used to
be is impossible."
On the
question of breaking the law, or crossing boundaries, he added, "There is direct
and indirect criticism of the supreme leader but its widespread manifestation,
in the form taken on November 4, will slowly solidify these criticisms into
serious demands. It will allow opponents of the supreme leadership to theorise
against its institution and will endow political activists with greater
bargaining leverage in case any negotiations are to take place."
In
another recent incident, protesters not allowed to gather adopted a new tactic.
In
Hafteh-Tir Square, security forces held back protesters with batons and tear gas
in order to allow the procession of a demonstration by pro-government students
who were members of the basij.
The two
sides began to engage in something of a lively debate.
One
anti-government protester called out to a pro-government student, "Why don't you
let us gather? Don't you claim that we (the protesters) are the minority? Well,
let us assemble so we can not only voice our demands but also show you our
numbers."
A man who
introduced himself as an employee of the interior ministry told the protesters
that their rejection of the election amounted to a violation of the law.
In
response, a woman who claimed she had worked for the interior ministry during
the era of former president Mohammad Khatami, countered, "The law does not ban
protest. In fact, the people's right to protest is in the constitution. Do you
support the violence that is directed at us?" The man responded that he did not.
Unfortunately, these debates were constantly disrupted by the security forces,
who seemed to oppose any kind of dialogue between the two groups. To older men
and women, these discussions were similar to ones that took place between
different factions during the time of the revolution.
The
discussions were remarkable and caught the security officials off guard. While
being beaten, people would ask the security officers why they were hitting them.
Some asked them how much they got paid for hitting people. In the end, many
officers tired of the process and left.
An
officer begged a shaking and bruised girl, who he had just struck on the
shoulder, to catch a taxi home. The girl responded angrily, "Don't tell me what
to do. You get paid to hit us, which you do, and I came to protest and will not
go home."
It is
still not certain whether security forces, including basij and revolutionary
guards, are yet tired of clashing with people, even though many of them are
disturbed and unhappy at the gulf that has been created between them and the
rest of the population.
The
protests have demonstrated a victory of anger over fear among the people. In the
past, armed attacks by security forces always acted as a deterrent but now the
fear of the guards' baton has begun to fade.
On
November 4, protesters no longer fled the police, but looked them straight in
the eye and questioned them. Now the security forces are having to rethink their
tactics.
The Green
Movement is hoping that by showing patience and determination, it has
demonstrated that the law is valid as long as people respect it.
About
the author: Yasaman Baji is the pseudonym of a journalist in Tehran.
This
article is an abridged and translated version of the full original text
published on the Farsi pages of Mianeh, with editorial adjustments agreed with
the writer made to provide clarity for English-language readers.
About Mianeh: Mianeh is a new independent web-based initiative run as a
project by the Institute for War & Peace Reporting (iwpr.net)
the award-winning non-profit media development organisation that works across
the globe to platform local voices and promote international learning and
engagement. Mianeh aims to be an open space for ideas, news and debate where
writers in Iran can reach out to each other as well as to those outside the
country who are interested in learning more about the vibrant and dynamic
society that is Iran today.
... Payvand News - 12/09/09 ... --
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