By Wm Scott Harrop (Source:
The Middle East Institute - The Iran
Revolution at 30)
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The Iranian
Revolution at 30
Source: The Middle East Institute
www.mideasti.org
This wide-ranging mega-collection of more than 50 original
essays is the first of a series of six similar publications commemorating the
events of 1979.
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Whether or not Muhammad Khatami decides to run again
for President of Iran, his prominent legacy symbolizes an ongoing fertile debate
inside Iran about political reform and adaptation. For Khatami, democracy and
dialogue remain the essential path for Islamic Republic, a bridge between
civilizations, a solid course for Iran to the future.
Observers, including this author, often emphasize
apparent Iranian paradoxes to alert outsiders to Iran's vibrant and dynamic
society, beyond the static, enigmatic "black" clichés so commonly clung to in
popular Western discourse.
An appreciation for irony and nuance is surely
needed. In the same country where current President Mahmud Ahmadinejad
trivialized the Holocaust, a very popular television program sympathetically
portrayed an Iranian diplomat who rescued Jews from the Nazis during World War
II.
Yet paradox as a metaphor for Iran becomes less than
helpful if it leaves the impression of a "hidden Iran" being incomprehensively
mired in its own contradictions. Bewildered perhaps by such analytical
frameworks, top Western officials, beginning with former Secretary of State
Condoleeza Rice, commonly admit that "they do not understand Iran" or that they
"do not know" if negotiating with Iran will work.
To his critics, including disillusioned former
supporters, President Khatami's reformist agenda was hobbled by contradictions
inherent in the Islamic Republic. To more sympathetic observers, he was
"transformational in vision," but constrained to be "incremental in strategy."
As Khatami evaluates what he might achieve in a
third term as President, he recently lamented, according to the reformist paper
Aftab-e Yazd (January 19, 2009), that because of "immoral behavior such
as insults, denigration, elimination and suppression and lies," even for "many
who were in the revolutionary front, there is no psychological security and they
cannot present themselves and are liable to be rejected."
Yet despite such chronic problems, Khatami concedes
no inherent conflict between the Islamic Republic and reform, between faith and
freedom, between Islam and democracy, between justice and order, between
idealism and realism, between Iran, America, and the world.
Khatami's optimistic approach to transcending
paradoxes was illustrated during a luncheon appearance on September 11, 2006 at
Monticello, the historic home of Thomas Jefferson, the third US President and
drafter of America's Declaration of Independence.
When asked by R.K. Ramazani to clarify his written
advocacy of "the formulation of democracy in the context of spirituality and
morality," Khatami unequivocally affirmed first that today, "there is no way
other than the establishment of democracy for any country in any part of the
world." For Khatami, "The legitimacy of power relies entirely on the vote of the
people" and "people have the right to replace this power with another power
without recourse to violence."
Democracy is then deemed compatible with "a
progressive reading" of Islam that "recognizes the right of human beings to
determine their own fates," to think and feel for themselves. The alternative
reading of Islam is the "path of the Taliban."
Khatami then spoke to the sensitive and most
commonly perceived paradox in the Islamic Republic, between democratic electoral
forms and the absolute authority vested in the Islamic Republic's Supreme
Leader. Speaking "at least theoretically," Khatami reasoned that those "given
that kind of power" are "held responsible" to the people via their election of
the Assembly of Experts, which in turn elects (or deposes) the Jurisconsult "and
oversees a system of checks against the office of the Leader."
When asked a Jefferson-tinged question about another
frequently cited paradox, concerning religious liberty within an Islamic
Republic, Khatami again saw no inherent contradiction: "Freedom of conscience
and the freedom of believing what one wants to believe, and practicing according
to your beliefs, is one of the minimum requirements of the democratic system ...
[and are] tenets of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic."

Khatami at Tehran University, December 2008
When discussing how to improve ties between the US
and Iran, Khatami addressed yet another paradox - how Iran refers to America as
"the Great Satan" while Khatami as President called for dialogue. Khatami
clarifies that even Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was not referring to the
American people or nation, but to "satanic policies," such as the overthrow of
the government of Prime Minister Muhammad Mosaddeq in 1953.
Khatami well understands how such broad swipes at
another country can be felt, as he related his personal "inability to forgive
the one" (e.g., President George W. Bush) who called him (i.e., who called
Iran), "an axis of evil."
As a corrective, Khatami, in keeping with his famous
emphasis on "dialogue among civilizations," urges mutual respect between peoples
- that countries "should pay attention so that the expression of political
differences does not degenerate into expressions that might be interpreted as
insulting to the peoples of the other nation."
In a veiled reference to the "well meaning" current
President, Khatami recently observed that, "a word out of place may have many
costs for the country." By contrast, "a considered word can defend the country's
principles, norms and interests and reduce threats at the same time."
Well aware of deep seated resistance to reforms in
Iran, President Khatami lamented in a January 1998 Time Magazine essay
that "Autocracy has become our second nature. We Iranians are all dictators, in
a sense." Thus, Iran's "path to freedom is risky and rough."
Yet Khatami echoes Jefferson in also affirming that,
"I am of the view that thought cannot be contained, and if we live in a free
atmosphere, opinions shall balance each other and logic shall prevail." Without
such freedom, Khatami warned, "the thought sparkling in the minds of thinkers
shall be channeled into hidden communities and may emerge one day in the form of
bitter and violent reaction."
For Muhammad Khatami, the Islamic Republic of Iran
understands that the expectation of democracy - of freedom and participation -
remains ingrained within Iran's culture. Iran has the choice between trying to
bottle it up and risk "reaction," or to advance again on the path of Islamic
democracy.
About the author:
Wm. Scott Harrop, a long time assistant to R.K.
Ramazani, is a recent Jefferson Fellow at the Robert H. Smith International
Center for Jefferson Studies at Monticello. He was present there when President
Khatami visited on September 11, 2006.
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