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07/08/09
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Why We say "No" to the Compulsory Hijab?
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By Fatemeh Sadeghi (source:
meydaan.com,
Iran)
Translated by Frieda Afary,
Iranian Voices in
Translation
Translator's Note: Fatemeh Sadeghi has a Ph.D. in political science and
has taught at the Islamic Azad University of Karaj near Tehran. She is the
daughter of Ayatollah Sadeq Khalkhali. The following are translated excerpts
from an article entitled "Why the Hijab?" which she published in the feminist
website Meydaneh Zan (Women's Field) on May 14, 2008. Soon after the publication
of this article, she was suspended from her teaching post. A number of students
at the Azad University of Karaj protested her suspension.
****
. . . Let me tell you about how my painful
experience with the hijab started. I remember the day when I had to wear a
headscarf for the first time in front of the boys in our family who were my
playmates and often competitors. I felt humiliated. I felt paralyzed and crushed
in their eyes. I could especially read the following message in the eyes of one
of them: "See how your were vanquished?" The story was not just about covering
my body. It was much more. On many occasions when I was busy playing or
preoccupied with myself, I heard chiding voices from various corners: "Sit
properly. Straighten your outfit. All your body parts are uncovered. Pull you
scarf forward, Your veil is too far back on your head, Your neck is showing,
Your hair is showing etc . . . " I never knew the meaning behind these
reprimands and even why I was being addressed in such a manner.
The personal experiences and humiliation which the hijab has caused me and many
others, cannot be found in any of the precious and often reprinted books of the
clergy in Qum. Less can it be found in the colorful poems which are force fed us
in honor of this momentous task. Let me tell you that after those childhood
experiences, the most humiliating sentence about the hijab which I have heard,
has been the following: "For a woman, the hijab is like a pearl which covers a
jewel." I could tolerate more respectable sentences such as "Sister, your hijab
is a more powerful weapon than my blood." But I could never tolerate the former
sentence.
The former sentence contains an insult which can be understood by any human
being. Without having met the creators of that sentence, I can tell that they
were experts in the psychology of personality disorders. Can you guess why? This
sentence combines praise and humiliation. A woman is praised but only as a being
who must be beautiful. Anyway, you know this better than I do. In the latter
sentence however, I sense a type of respect. I like its combativeness along with
the respect that it has for my femininity, even though it does not understand me
and dismisses me as a woman.
As I was growing up, I realized that this story has gained more complex
dimensions. Soon I understood that there is a difference between the headscarf
and the veil. If the headscarf was to sexually control me --although very
unsuccessfully-- or to pull me out of the realm of childhood and force me to
become a woman, the veil was something else. I could see that my mother and many
other women around me, used the veil in a variety of ways. They did not wear the
same veil at all places and they did not cover themselves as tightly in all
places. Especially when a grand clergyman was to visit our house or when we were
to visit a grand clergyman, they would hold their veils more tightly. Naturally
under these circumstances, I was told, "Watch your hijab," meaning, hold it more
tightly. Were these men considered more representative of the outsider category
[namahram in Persian refers to a non-kin with whom a man or woman may not
associate closely ] than other men? I think so. The higher the class and rank
[of a man], the more the [woman's] face was to be covered. The hijab had an
inextricable relationship with power.
The veil was not just a cover. It allowed for thousands of ways of establishing
distance, symbolic gestures, blending in, differentiating oneself, and giving or
gaining benefits. I too had to learn how to use the veil in the aristocratic
hierarchy of power of the clergy. I had to learn how to use it as an instrument
of power and impose it on others. I had to learn how to use the cues to become a
prominent person among other prominent people, to become recognized, to become
seen, to gain benefits. I proved not talented at this task.
Wearing the headscarf or the overcoat was not enough. Thus, the first time I
surreptitiously tried wearing an overcoat and a headscarf, I felt naked. Now I
know that more than any feeling of physical nakedness, what made me distressed
and confused was the loss of the consequences [of wearing the veil], all the
symbols, the benefits and distinction and prominence, the aristocracy.
Nevertheless, wearing the overcoat and the headscarf had an adventurous and
awesome benefit despite the fear and the dangers. Along with many other
consequences, losing the social and political benefits that accompanied the
hijab and the veil forced me to step in a different direction. By wearing the
overcoat and headscard I became empty and lost my identity. Now I needed to
build a new identity.
When I asked a very famous clergyman whether the hijab was based on Sharia law,
he said something along the lines of the following: "There in no such hijab in
Sharia law. The question concerns the civil code." Another who was a famous
clergyman of his time and taught at the Hawzah [Reference to the Assmbly of
Seminary Scholars and Researchers in the city of Qum, the largest center of Shia
scholarship in the world] and at a university, revealed that in Sharia law, the
hijab does not even mean covering one's head. He surprised me by inviting me to
reconsider my own manner of covering my body. Nevertheless, neither of these
clergymen ever openly expressed his viewpoint in public. Similarly many others
do not. We know that the few who have had the courage to express their views
have been defrocked and punished in other ways.
For those who have experienced these times, the works of Mr. Mottahari and his
likes cannot answer the above simple questions, even if they are published
thousands more times thanks to the large budgets of the Ministry of Culture and
the Organization of Islamic Propaganda. Mottahari himself was well aware of the
fact that the viewpoint of the reactionary clergy can no longer answer the
questions of the new generation. That is why he named his book, "The Question of
the Hijab" and tried to adopt a so called scientific attitude toward this
momentous subject.
Everyone knows well that there is only one
solution to the question of the hijab: Covering oneself should be left up to
women's individual choice. If the institution of the family, society and Islamic
government depends on the hijab, then the problem is to be found in that
institution, the foundation of that family, that society and that government
which demand bold but necessary revision. But in reality this will not happen,
at least not in the near future. Today, the attitude of the Islamic regime or at
least important parts of it are more confrontational toward women than ever.
Such a confrontational attitude toward women is unprecedented among incumbent
governments since the beginning of the revolution . One has to ask what is
causing this brutality of which the attitude toward the hijab is only one of
many dimensions.
Hijab and the Mission of the Holy Government
Perhaps no government in the world except the American neo-conservatives or
former Communist regimes, is like ours in the following sense: The hold on power
and the control over the masses either through luck or through severe repression
of dissidents and through the use of force, is considered holy. It is so holy
that they dare to take any action against citizens without being concerned about
the consequences.
Occurrences such as the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, the Abu Ghraib prison
in Iraq, Guantanamo and others which are intended to export so-called democracy
to the world stem from the illusion of a holy mission similar to that which is
promoted by the discourse of the rulers of the Islamic regime concerning global
justice and the so-called salvation of the world. Clearly this discourse is in
fact an instrument for mending the crisis of political legitimacy pertaining to
governments which face it internally and externally.
The rhetoric of a holy mission is openly associated with violence because it is
deeply connected to the crisis of legitimacy. At a time when our country is on
the verge of many kinds of social and economic crises, it is no accident that
new plans for social policing arise in new forms and promote violence anew. Of
course no one answers the simple question of how this holy mission will be
performed given the depth of the internal dissatisfaction.
Why We Say "No" to the Compulsory Hijab
As women we have been critiquing and will critique the varieties of the
compulsory hijab for years. We have done so in implicit and explicit ways, with
irony, protest, argumentation, civil resistance and in many other forms. Today,
given the confrontational attitude of the Islamic regime, it seems that we need
to speak about this issue again. We have to say "no" to it. We have to start a
new discourse. They cannot put an end to this matter simply and with an order
from this or that commander and the arrests of many women on the streets and
private companies, and the firing of women office workers. I believe that a
major confrontation is on the way. This is a confrontation that the perpetrators
of the "social safety plans" and "the elevation of public decency" have
initiated. . .
... Payvand News - 07/08/09 ... --
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