By Raha Tahami, Tehran (source:
Institute for War & Peace Reporting)
Tehran
swirling with rumours about who lies behind theft of bronze monuments.
In the febrile political atmosphere of
Tehran, the disappearance of at least ten large bronze statues is being blamed
on religious radicals, revolutionary guards, even British art dealers, according
to which rumour you listen to.


The
disappearances began in March and were regarded by city officials as petty
theft. But the thieves would have needed cranes and heavy equipment to dislodge
and remove the statues and yet no one saw anything, even though they were in
streets and parks and mostly on open view.
On May 3,
when the number of stolen statues in Tehran had reached nine, the municipality
finally called in the police. Tehran police chief Hossein Sajedi said, "The
thieves used special equipment to pull off these heists and this is an organised
crime."
The
statues were mostly not more than 20 years old and are said to be worth 10,000
to 12,000 US dollars each.
Some of
the missing items were busts of prominent Iranian revolutionary figures from the
early 20th century, like Sattar Khan and Baqer Khan. Other targets included
prominent linguist, researcher and writer Mohammad Moin; Ali Shariati, an
intellectual who played an important role in the 1979 Islamic revolution; and
Persian physician and philosopher Avicenna. A bust of 10th century mystic and
poet Abu Saeed Abolkheir was also among the stolen pieces.
The
Sattar Khan bust had sat in front of the security post of the city park of the
same name. Park maintenance staff initially claimed it had been taken away for
repairs but later admitted it had been stolen. The Mohammad Moin bust had only
been in place for a month.
One
attempted theft - that of the statue of the 10th century astronomer Abdolrahman
Sufi - was foiled by municipal workers when it was spotted by traffic control
cameras. The culprits got away.
As the
thefts mounted, speculation and conspiracy theories began to swirl.
Tehran
mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, who was previously the police chief, insisted
rather cryptically that the motive for the crime was not the bronze of the
statues, "Ordinary people would not commit such an act. The issue is more
complicated than it appears."
Hossein
Bonyadi, the deputy head of Tehran city council, seemed to agree that these were
no ordinary crimes, "How is it possible that a 400 kilogramme statue is easily
stolen with a crane and nobody finds out?"
Hamid
Shans, a prominent sculptor, wondered pointedly why the police had not been able
to arrest anyone in connection with the thefts, "It is interesting that the
police with their level of surveillance and authority in municipal security have
never encountered the thieves."
Most were
installed in locations close to surveillance and traffic control cameras and one
was near a police station.
The Fars
News Agency, which is said to be affiliated with the Iranian Revolution Guards
Corps, IRGC, subscribed to another theory - that the hidden hand of Britain was
behind the thefts and claimed British art dealers were involved.
Many
Tehran citizens, however, believed the crimes were the work of a radical
religious group with links to the IRGC and the Basij militia, a conviction
rooted in an incident in the city of Isfahan in 2002. Statues there were either
stolen or set on fire and a radical paramilitary group headed by a young cleric
was declared to be responsible.
While
Islam has forbidden, and in some cases banned, sculpture, seeing it as a form of
idolatry, Iran has not had any problem with this form of art. The installation
of statues first began under the secular reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.
Statues
of him were removed after the 1979 Iranian revolution, but other sculptures were
left intact despite opposition from fundamentalist groups. A statue of the great
Persian poet Ferdowsi was beheaded after the revolution but was restored after a
public outcry
Pressure
from radical clerics caused sculpting to experience a decade of stagnation after
the revolution but that has eased and the art form flourishes now. Tehran has
more than 500 statues and more are being installed.
Rumours
that fundamentalist groups affiliated to the IRGC and Basij militia and working
to orders from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei were responsible for the monument
thefts spurred the authorities into action.
Jahannews
website, which belongs to conservative lawmaker and former head of the student
Basij Alireza Zakani, republished a decree by Khamenei permitting sculpture.
"If the
statues were the embodiment of a haram (religiously forbidden) act, then the
Supreme Leader as the Just Jurisprudent would issue the necessary decree
[banning statues and sculpting]," it said.
However,
this website also did not rule out the possibility that the crimes could be the
work of an autonomous group, and went on to say, "But [those behind the thefts]
must know that their actions have no religious justification based on the decree
of the Supreme Leader."
Notwithstanding the regime denial of any involvement in the thefts, some
analysts believe that elements within the administration had staged the crimes
with the aim of further unsettling the population.
"It
appears that the theft of the statues is part of a psychological warfare
campaign to test the endurance of society," said one political analyst, who
preferred not to be named. "This creates fear and terror to some extent. It
shows that even statues lack security. The interesting part is that the police,
with their silence, have made matters more complicated."
The
affair has even sparked dry humour from a poster on the website Balatarin, who
linked the thefts to last June's controversial re-election of President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad, "The one behind stealing the statues in Tehran is the same one who
stole our votes last year."
---
Raha
Tahami is the pseudonym of an Iranian journalist and social affairs analyst in
Tehran. This article is an abridged and translated version of the full original
text published on the Farsi pages of Mianeh, with editorial adjustments agreed
with the writer made to provide clarity for English-language readers.
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